If AI solves it all, what’s left for us in Mathematics?

Raju Korti
Mathematics has always been less about answers and more about the journey to reach them. For many of us, it has been a strange companion, a mix of fear and fascination. Problems from calculus books, whether from Wartikar brothers or Kaplan & Lewis, were never just exercises. They were small battles. You struggled, you doubted, and then suddenly, everything clicked. That quiet “click” was the real reward.

(Visual conceived by me)

Today, that experience is quietly changing. Recently, an Artificial Intelligence system reportedly solved the long-standing Erdős unit distance problem, a puzzle that had challenged mathematicians for nearly 80 years. This was not just another academic milestone. It signalled a deeper shift. For the first time, a machine-generated proof may find its place in a top mathematics journal. While this is impressive, it also raises an uncomfortable question. If machines begin to do the thinking for us, what happens to the essence of mathematics?

Because mathematics is not just about getting the right answer. It is about how you get there. Think of a simple situation. When you solve a tricky problem after hours of effort, there is a sense of ownership and pride. Now imagine typing the same problem into an AI tool and getting the answer instantly. It may feel efficient, but it also feels hollow. It is like watching a suspense film after someone has already told you who the murderer is. The story remains, but the thrill disappears.

The joy of mathematics rests on very human elements. It begins with curiosity, the urge to understand why something works the way it does. It grows through struggle, the mental effort that forces you to think deeper. And it peaks in that “aha” moment, when everything suddenly falls into place. If the struggle is removed, the “aha” loses its meaning. Without that journey, mathematics risks becoming a mechanical task rather than an intellectual adventure.

This concern is not limited to personal nostalgia. Leading mathematicians across the world have begun to voice similar worries through what is now known as the Leiden Declaration. Supported by global bodies like the International Mathematical Union, this declaration urges caution. It warns governments and institutions not to get carried away by the hype surrounding AI’s mathematical abilities.

The concern is rooted in the very foundations of mathematics. The discipline is built on trust. A proof is not merely a result but an explanation that can be checked, debated, and understood by others. AI systems, however, can produce answers that appear correct but may not always be reliable. They can blur authorship, skip proper credit, and make independent verification more difficult. In doing so, they threaten the core values of clarity, transparency, and accountability that mathematics depends on.

There is also a larger concern about control. Much of today’s AI development lies in the hands of private companies. The declaration cautions governments against blindly trusting these systems and stresses the need to prevent knowledge from being concentrated in a few hands. If research begins to depend heavily on such tools, even the direction of mathematics could change. Problems may be chosen not for their depth or importance, but because they are easier for machines to handle. This would mark a subtle yet profound shift in the discipline.

In response, the declaration offers a broad but clear direction. Governments must regulate the AI industry with care, ensuring transparency and reliability rather than accepting claims at face value. They should invest in public alternatives so that dependence on private technology is reduced. Academic standards must be protected, with AI-assisted work held to the same rigour as traditional research. At the same time, access to such tools must remain fair, so that they do not deepen inequalities among students and researchers.

Mathematics has survived many technological changes in the past. Calculators did not destroy it, nor did computers replace it. But Artificial Intelligence feels different because it touches the very act of thinking. It does not just assist the process; it risks taking it over.

At its core, mathematics has always been a deeply human endeavour. AI can certainly help us move faster and even open new doors of discovery. But if it takes away the struggle, the curiosity, and the joy of finding answers ourselves, then something essential is lost.

Solving a difficult problem from an old textbook may soon become optional. But the satisfaction of solving it on your own should never become obsolete. 

Annamalai’s exit, a strategy or schism?

Raju Korti
The reported departure of K. Annamalai from the Bharatiya Janata Party is not merely a personnel shift. It is a moment that exposes the tension between ideological ambition and electoral pragmatism in Tamil Nadu, a state where politics has long been shaped by the gravitational pull of powerful regional forces.

At one level, the BJP’s decision to ease Annamalai out of the state leadership and rebuild ties with the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam suggests a clear case of expediency. The party chose alliance arithmetic over the risk of a solitary, long-haul expansion strategy that Annamalai appeared to favour. His insistence on growing independently, without leaning on Dravidian majors, ran counter to the BJP’s immediate electoral needs. In a state where the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam and AIADMK have alternated dominance for decades, the BJP’s recalibration was less ideological retreat and more tactical adjustment.

(Pic courtesy Instagram)

Yet, to call it mere capitulation would be simplistic. Tamil Nadu has historically resisted national parties, not just electorally but culturally and linguistically. The Dravidian movement’s legacy has created a political ecosystem where identity, regional pride, and welfare politics intertwine tightly. For an outsider party, the choice is stark. It can either embed itself gradually through alliances or attempt a disruptive, independent rise that may take decades. The BJP, under leaders like Narendra Modi and Amit Shah, has shown patience in other states, but Tamil Nadu remains a tougher terrain.

Annamalai represented the disruptive option. His direct, combative style, rooted in his background as a former IPS officer, gave the BJP a distinct voice in the state. He broke through the party’s earlier anonymity and built a recognisable political persona. However, that same approach strained ties with potential allies. His sharp attacks on AIADMK icons and leadership made coexistence difficult, especially in a coalition-driven landscape.

His exit, therefore, signals a divergence in method rather than ideology. The critical question is whether this divergence is final. Indian politics offers enough precedents of leaders stepping out only to remain informally aligned. If Annamalai does launch a regional outfit, it could follow one of two paths. It may evolve into a genuinely independent force competing for the same political space, which would fragment the non-Dravidian vote further. Or it could function as a quasi-aligned entity, retaining ideological proximity to the BJP while shedding its “national party” tag, thereby gaining local acceptability.

The latter possibility feeds into the argument that this could be a longer-term strategic play. By operating outside the BJP’s formal structure, Annamalai might circumvent the resistance that Tamil voters often show toward national parties. This would allow him to build a grassroots base under a Tamil identity while maintaining a broader ideological alignment. Whether this is by design or an unintended consequence remains speculative, but it is not implausible in a state where perception often outweighs affiliation.

For the BJP, the gains and losses are finely balanced. In the short term, aligning with AIADMK restores a viable electoral pathway, even if it limits the party’s independent growth. In the long term, however, losing a figure like Annamalai risks diluting the party’s emerging identity in the state. He was one of the few leaders who gave the BJP a distinct voice in Tamil Nadu’s crowded political discourse.

For Annamalai, the risks are even sharper. Building a new party in Tamil Nadu is not simply an organisational challenge. It requires navigating a deeply entrenched political culture dominated by legacy parties with vast networks and emotional resonance. Without a clear alliance or sustained support base, such a venture could take years to gain traction. His refusal, reportedly, of a Rajya Sabha berth suggests a preference for ground-level politics over institutional accommodation, but it also removes a safety net.

Ultimately, this episode underscores the structural reality of Tamil Nadu politics. The Dravidian stranglehold is not just about electoral numbers. It is about narrative control, cultural ownership, and organisational depth built over decades. Any attempt to break into this space, whether by the BJP or a breakaway leader like Annamalai, must contend with that layered dominance.

Whether this moment marks a rupture or a recalibration will depend on what follows. If Annamalai’s next move creates a parallel political current that complements rather than competes with the BJP, it could reshape the state’s political geometry over time. If not, it risks becoming another instance of ambition outrunning arithmetic in one of India’s most politically distinctive states.

The last silken note falls silent

Raju Korti
There are departures that feel less like an end and more like the quiet extinguishing of a lingering glow. With the passing of Suman Kalyanpur nee Hemmady, that glow dims perceptibly. For with her exit, the last living links to India’s great galaxy of playback legends have finally dissolved into memory, leaving behind an era that now belongs entirely to history.

She belonged to a time when voices did not need amplification through spectacle. They travelled on emotion alone. And hers was one such voice. Gentle, unassuming and silken to the core, it carried within it a rare blend of restraint and resonance. It never demanded attention, yet commanded it effortlessly.

And yet, the very quality that made her unforgettable also became her greatest professional disadvantage. Her voice bore an uncanny resemblance to that of Lata Mangeshkar. In an industry where Lata and her equally formidable sister Asha Bhosle were already calling the shots; such similarity was less a compliment and more a quiet disqualification. The lazy and often unkind labels of “Lata clone” or “second Lata” followed her persistently, betraying more ignorance than insight. For a clone imitates. Suman never did. She simply sounded like herself, and that happened to echo another great voice.

In truth, the difference between the two was, as connoisseurs would say, ‘unnees bees’. So fine was this distinction that even in their rare duet Kabhi aaj kabhi kal kabhi parson from Chand, one could scarcely tell where one voice ended and the other began. But fate is seldom fair in matters of timing. To be born into the shadow of greatness, however inadvertently, is often to remain confined within it.

The Hindi film industry, never known for its generosity, compounded this challenge. Stories abounded of a duopoly, even a monopoly, that left little room for another soprano of similar timbre. Whether these were exaggerations or veiled truths may never be conclusively known. Both Suman and Lata maintained a dignified silence on the matter, lending a quiet credence to the old adage that silence often speaks louder than words. What stood out, however, was Suman’s grace. Not once did she stoke controversy. On the contrary, she readily acknowledged Lata as the superior singer, a gesture that revealed as much about her character as her music did.

Destiny, though, has its own ways of restoring balance. When Mohammed Rafi and Lata Mangeshkar fell out over the issue of royalties, Hindi cinema witnessed an unusual interlude. The two titans did not sing together for several years. In that gap, Rafi’s collaborations expanded, and Suman Kalyanpur found herself stepping into a space that demanded both competence and courage. It proved to be her finest professional phase.

What followed was a series of duets that remain etched in memory. Thehriye hosh mein aa loon from Mohabbat Isko Kehte Hain, Parbaton ke pedon par from Shagoon, Chand hai taare bhi hai from Rooplekha, Jazbaye dil jo salamat hai to, Jab se hum tum baharon mein from Main Shaadi Karne Chala, Aajhu na aaye balma from Saanjh Aur Savera, and Ke jaan chali jaaye from Anjaana were not merely fillers in the absence of another voice. They were expressions of a singer who rose fully to the occasion.

To attribute these successes solely to circumstance would be to diminish her artistry. For alongside Rafi, she held her own with remarkable poise. The argument that she was merely the ‘replacement’ dissolves the moment one listens closely. There was clarity in her notes, an almost crystalline purity that could not be borrowed.

Her versatility extended well beyond duets. With Manna Dey, she created memorable pieces like Naa jaane kahaan tum the from Zindagi Aur Khwab and Tum jo aao to pyaar aa jaaye from Sakhi Robin. With Mukesh, she lent grace to Baharon se puchho from Mera Ghar Mere Bachche and Ye kisne geet chheda from Meri Surat Teri Aankhen. And in lighter moods, her youthful lilt in Chhodo chhodo meri bainya from Miya Bibi Raazi carried the freshness of an adolescent voice discovering its own range.

Her solo repertoire, too, stands as testimony to her depth. Composers of the calibre of Khayyam entrusted her with compositions like Bujha diye hain khud apne haathon, Zindagi zulm sahi, Jo hum pe gujarti hai tanhaa, and Haal-e-dil unko sunaya tha. These were not songs one assigned lightly. They required emotional intelligence as much as technical finesse.

Beyond Hindi cinema, her contribution to Marathi music remains profound. In the evocative world of bhavgeet, her renditions of Din raat tula mi kiti smaru and Maavaltya Dinkara left an indelible imprint. Songs like Saanj aali dooratun, Jhim jhim jharati shravan dhara, Ketkichya bani tithe, and Aakash pangharoni reveal a voice that could caress language as delicately as it handled melody.

There was also that delightful anecdote from a programme in Nagpur. Reminded of the non-film song Rim jhim rim jhim lo barse moti ke daane, inspired note for note by Billy Vaughan’s Come September, she responded not with dismissal but with childlike enthusiasm, singing a portion of it on the spot. That was Suman Kalyanpur. No airs, no pretensions. Only a quiet joy in music.

Her life off the microphone mirrored her art. Self-effacing, almost shy, she avoided the aggressive networking that the industry often rewards. Coming from a relatively comfortable background, she neither cultivated sycophancy nor engaged in the cut-throat manoeuvring that defined many careers. In an age where even excellence sought validation, she remained content with expression.

Recognition, when it came, was often delayed. The conferment of the Padma Bhushan, coming so late, invited the inevitable remark of “better late than never.” Yet such honours, in her case, felt almost incidental. For artists of her kind, awards are mere labels. Their true recognition lies in the permanence of their voice.

To say that she was overshadowed would be both true and insufficient. For even in that shadow, she created a luminous space of her own. A space defined not by rivalry, but by refinement. Not by assertion, but by assurance.

Today, as we bid farewell to the Dhaka-born singer once fondly called the “Dhake ki Malmal,” one is reminded that the softest fabrics often endure the longest. Her voice was just that. Fine, delicate, yet enduring beyond time.

And now, as that voice falls silent, it leaves behind not an emptiness, but an echo. An echo that will continue to drift through radio waves, old recordings and the private corners of memory. For voices like hers do not vanish. They simply recede, like a gentle note that lingers long after the music has stopped.

High Command, low stability, that’s Congress for you!

Raju Korti
The change of guard in Karnataka is less a political transition and more a ritualistic replay of the Congress party’s most enduring internal culture. In a party that governs barely a handful of states today, Karnataka stands out as one of its strongest bastions. Yet, paradoxically, it is here that the Congress seems most determined to remind itself, and the country, of its chronic inability to manage power without breeding dissent.

DKS (Instagram grab)

The exit of Siddaramaiah and the elevation of D. K. Shivakumar follow a script so familiar that it borders on the predictable. As murmurs of discontent grew louder within the state unit, the party did what it has done for decades. It dispatched observers, conducted the ritual of consultations, and ultimately deferred the decision to the high command, now embodied by Rahul Gandhi and Mallikarjun Kharge.

This top-down culture is not new. It has its roots in the era of Indira Gandhi and continued seamlessly under Sonia Gandhi. The faces have changed, but the instinct remains intact: centralise authority, manage factions, and impose a solution that is less about governance and more about containment.

What makes the current transition particularly perplexing is the absence of any compelling or transparent reason for Siddaramaiah’s removal. By most accounts, there was no immediate governance crisis, no electoral debacle, and no visible administrative collapse that warranted such a shift. Yet, the Congress has once again chosen to prioritise internal arithmetic over external accountability.

The proposed arrangement under Shivakumar only deepens this impression. The idea of appointing four Deputy Chief Ministers is not merely unusual, it is symptomatic. It signals a deeply factionalised power structure where leadership is not asserted but negotiated, not consolidated but distributed. Such an arrangement is less about governance efficiency and more about political appeasement, an attempt to placate competing power centres within the party.

India has seen similar experiments before. In 2019, Y. S. Jagan Mohan Reddy appointed five Deputy Chief Ministers in Andhra Pradesh, setting a record of sorts. States like Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Maharashtra and Karnataka itself have periodically resorted to multiple Deputy CMs to balance caste equations and regional aspirations. But these are expedients, not solutions.

The more fundamental issue is constitutional. The post of Deputy Chief Minister does not exist in the Constitution of India. It carries no independent authority and is, in essence, a Cabinet Minister with a more ornamental designation. Financial powers remain with the Chief Minister, and all major decisions require his approval. In that sense, multiplying Deputy Chief Ministers does not multiply governance capacity. It merely multiplies political egos that need accommodation.

Siddaramaiah (Wikipedia)

The Karnataka reshuffle also underscores another recurring feature of Congress politics: dynastic continuity cloaked as organisational stability. The likely induction of Siddaramaiah’s son into the Cabinet is a telling signal. It suggests that while individuals may be replaced, their political legacy, and by extension their influence, must be preserved within the system.

Meanwhile, the choreography continues. Meetings in Delhi, consultations with central leadership, and the inevitable Congress Legislative Party meeting that will rubber-stamp what has already been decided elsewhere. Even the turbulence that diverted Siddaramaiah’s flight to Jaipur seems an apt metaphor for the party’s internal journey: unpredictable, circuitous, and ultimately controlled from afar.

At one level, this is politics as usual. At another, it is a revealing commentary on a party that has struggled to evolve beyond its centralised command structure. In an era where regional leadership and decentralised decision-making are increasingly seen as political strengths, the Congress continues to rely on a model that prioritises control over coherence.

Karnataka, once again, becomes a case study not in governance but in intra-party management. The faces at the top may have changed, but the system that produces these changes remains resolutely the same.

And that, perhaps, is the Congress party’s greatest paradox. Even when it changes, it does not.

Trump’s Iran overture & his penchant for unilateral announcements

Raju Korti
If the past is any indication, the latest assertion by President Donald Trump that a peace agreement with Iran is “largely negotiated”, sits at the intersection of ambition, signalling, and strategic ambiguity. At face value, the claim suggests a diplomatic breakthrough in one of the most intractable geopolitical theatres. Yet the immediate rebuttals from Tehran, particularly on the sensitive question of control over the Strait of Hormuz, underscore a more familiar reality. The contours of any such agreement remain undefined, contested, and possibly overstated.

Trump: Jumping the gun as usual.

The Strait of Hormuz is not merely a bargaining chip but a critical artery of global energy flows. Iran’s insistence on retaining exclusive authority over its management, including shipping routes and permits, indicates that sovereignty concerns remain non-negotiable. Trump’s suggestion that the strait would be “opened” appears less a reflection of agreed policy and more an attempt to frame the narrative in advance of any actual convergence. This divergence highlights a structural gap between declaratory diplomacy and negotiated substance.

Compounding this is the conspicuous absence of any meaningful progress on the nuclear file, historically the central axis of US-Iran engagement. Despite Trump’s earlier insistence that any agreement must address Iran’s nuclear ambitions, Tehran’s position suggests that this issue has not been substantively engaged. This omission is telling. It implies either that negotiations are at a preliminary stage or that the public articulation of progress is detached from the actual negotiating agenda.

The reported dynamic between Trump and Benjamin Netanyahu adds another layer of complexity. The apparent divergence, with Netanyahu favouring immediate military pressure and Trump advocating a negotiation-first approach, may not be a straightforward rift. It could equally represent a calibrated dual-track strategy designed to maximise leverage. By projecting dissonance, Washington and Tel Aviv may seek to create uncertainty in Tehran’s strategic calculations. Alternatively, it may reflect genuine differences in threat perception and timing, with Israel prioritising pre-emption and the United States exploring diplomatic manoeuvrability.

What lends coherence to Trump’s latest claim is his well-established penchant for unilateral and premature announcements. This approach, visible across trade, security, and diplomatic domains, is not incidental but instrumental. By declaring a deal before it is fully formed, Trump attempts to shape the negotiating environment itself. Such assertions serve to set expectations, define the narrative, and compel other actors to respond within a framework he has already publicised. In game-theoretic terms, it is an effort to constrain the option space of counterparts by anchoring outcomes in the public domain.

This tactic also leverages asymmetries of power and perception. For Iran, publicly contradicting the United States risks escalating tensions, yet acquiescing to an inaccurate narrative could weaken its negotiating position. The result is a delicate balancing act, where Tehran must simultaneously refute and engage. Reports that American officials themselves have characterised Trump’s statements as primarily for domestic consumption further complicate the picture. It suggests a dual messaging strategy; one aimed at international counterparts and another at a domestic audience attuned to displays of assertiveness.

The broader strategic implications of this episode are contingent on whether rhetoric can translate into structured negotiation. If Trump’s announcement is a precursor to intensified diplomatic engagement, it may generate momentum, however artificially, towards dialogue. The emphasis on not rushing into a deal, coupled with the continuation of economic pressure through port blockades, indicates that Washington is still operating within a coercive diplomacy framework. Negotiations, in this sense, are not a departure from pressure but an extension of it.

However, the risks of this approach are equally evident. Premature declarations can erode credibility if they are not substantiated by tangible outcomes. They may also harden positions on the opposing side, particularly if perceived as attempts at public coercion. In the context of Iran, where strategic patience and resistance to external pressure are deeply embedded, such tactics may yield diminishing returns.

The reference to the earlier nuclear agreement under Barack Obama as a “flawed framework” further situates Trump’s current posture within a broader ideological critique. By framing his approach as the “exact opposite,” Trump seeks to differentiate his strategy not only from Tehran but also from his domestic predecessors. This layering of domestic political signalling onto international diplomacy adds another dimension to the analysis.

Ultimately, the substance of Trump’s claimed agreement remains uncertain. What is clearer is the method behind the messaging. The announcement functions less as a confirmation of diplomatic success and more as an instrument to shape the trajectory of negotiations. Whether this leads to a verifiable agreement or dissipates into another episode of rhetorical overreach will depend on the ability of all parties to move beyond narrative construction to concrete compromise. In a region where symbolism and substance often diverge, the distinction between the two becomes the central question.

When cockroaches campaign and parasites pontificate

Raju Korti
Cockroaches, it is often said, will outlive humanity. Parasites, on the other hand, never quite die, they simply change hosts. Indian politics, with its remarkable resilience and adaptability, appears to have taken both metaphors rather seriously.

Enter the Cockroach Janata Party.

(Pic merely symbolic)

Founded by Abhijeet Dipke, the man who decided to give satire a party symbol, the CJP is less a political formation and more a running commentary on the ecosystem it seeks to mock. Its timing is not accidental. It scurried into public consciousness after remarks attributed to Justice Suryakant about cockroaches and parasites triggered outrage, amusement, and a predictable avalanche of hashtags.

The internet did what it does best. It turned metaphor into meme, outrage into opportunity, and somewhere along the way, irony into an organisation.

The Cockroach Janata Party is, in many ways, an exaggerated extension of the Aam Aadmi Party template. Where the AAP once emerged as a disruptive force challenging entrenched political structures with the rhetoric of the common man, the CJP takes that rhetoric to its logical absurdity. If the common man could organise, why not the most indestructible creature in the urban imagination? If the system is seen as parasitic, why not embrace the label and contest elections under it?

Social media, always eager for novelty, has lapped it up. The CJP’s rise has been swift, not in terms of votes or cadres, but in shares, likes, and forwards. Its messaging is sharp, irreverent, and perfectly calibrated for an audience that prefers its politics with a garnish of sarcasm. Young users, fatigued by repetitive political narratives, have found in it a form of catharsis. Others have treated it as a joke that has gone just far enough to be taken seriously.

Yet, beneath the humour lies a familiar pattern.

Movements born in the digital ether often mistake visibility for viability. The CJP’s proclamations about youth frustration, systemic decay, and the need for radical overhaul resonate at a superficial level. But resonance is not the same as relevance. The distance between a trending hashtag and a polling booth is far greater than it appears on a smartphone screen.

This is where the satire begins to turn on itself.

The Cockroach Janata Party claims to represent the ignored, the dismissed, the trampled upon. But beyond the clever wordplay and visual symbolism, there is little evidence of organisational depth. No grassroots machinery, no sustained engagement with communities, no clear articulation of policy beyond broad, almost theatrical declarations. It thrives in the realm of commentary, not in the arena of action.

And that is its central contradiction.

Revolutions are not conducted on timelines or in comment sections. They are messy, laborious, and deeply rooted in human engagement. Social media can amplify voices, but it cannot substitute for the slow, unglamorous work of building trust, negotiating differences, and delivering outcomes. The CJP, for all its noise, remains confined to the echo chamber that created it.

This is not entirely new. The trajectory of the Aam Aadmi Party itself offers a telling contrast. It began with street protests, public mobilisation, and a clear articulation of grievances before translating that energy into electoral success. Even then, sustaining that momentum required transitioning from rhetoric to governance, from protest to policy. That journey has been anything but simple.

The CJP, by comparison, appears content being perpetually in the protest phase, without ever stepping into the discomfort of responsibility. What, then, does this phenomenon say about democracy?

At one level, it reflects a healthy irreverence. The ability to mock power, to turn criticism into caricature, is a sign of a society that has not entirely surrendered its voice. The very existence of a party like the CJP suggests that political discourse is not immune to humour, however biting it may be.

At another level, it reveals a growing impatience with conventional politics. When citizens feel unheard, they often resort to satire as a form of protest. The joke becomes a shield, allowing them to express dissent without fully committing to a cause. But there is also a risk.

When politics becomes performance, and movements become memes, the line between engagement and escapism begins to blur. It becomes easier to laugh at the system than to participate in changing it. The Cockroach Janata Party, in this sense, is both a critique and a symptom. It exposes the absurdities of the political landscape while simultaneously embodying the limitations of reactionary, novelty-driven activism. Its surge, therefore, is unlikely to translate into longevity.

Novelty has a short shelf life. What is amusing today becomes repetitive tomorrow. Without substance, structure, and sustained effort, even the most creative political experiments fade into obscurity. The CJP’s future, if it remains anchored solely in satire, is likely to follow that familiar arc.In the end, the cockroach metaphor may prove unintentionally ironic. Cockroaches survive because they adapt to hostile environments, not because they trend on social media. Political movements, too, endure not through clever branding but through the hard work of relevance.

The Cockroach Janata Party has certainly captured attention. Whether it can capture anything beyond that remains an open, and rather uncomfortable, question.i 

"High spirits in the House of Udta Jhoomta Punjab"

Raju Korti
The latest stir inside the Punjab Legislative Assembly had less to do with legislative heft and more with olfactory speculation. The Opposition, led by the Indian National Congress, claimed that Punjab Chief Minister Bhagwant Mann addressed the House “drunk”, turning what should have been a sober exchange into a heady controversy. Mann, never one to shy away from theatrics, found himself at the centre of a debate where the proof, as they say, was not in the pudding but allegedly in the breath. The Assembly, usually echoing with policy arguments, briefly resembled a courtroom of whispers, winks, and raised eyebrows.

Mann (Wikipedia grab)

Yet, in a political culture that often thrives on exaggeration, the episode also revealed the Opposition’s flair for dramatic timing and the ruling side’s studied nonchalance. If governance is serious business, Punjab’s politicians reminded us that it is also, occasionally, comic theatre. Whether the charge holds water or evaporates like a fleeting scent, the incident has already added another anecdote to Mann’s colourful public persona, where the line between satire and statesmanship is, at times, delightfully blurred.

Thereafter, as a reminder of how enduring some impressions can be, I had written this on a blog on Mann on January 19, 2022: One must hand it to the propensity of the Aam Aadmi Party in choosing candidates that do full justice to the party's label. Going by that yardstick, its CM's face in Punjab, Bhagwant Singh Mann has to be the 'Aamest" of them all. I am presuming readers have caught on to the superlative degree. Mann's credentials are such that any journalist will give his right hand to write the man's colourful profile.

The 48-year-old MP from Punjab's Sangrur the same place from where the signatory to the historic Punjab accord, Akali Dal President late Harchand Singh Longowal hailed; has been making waves with videos that show him inebriated in the jostling crowds. Even as he is seen talking, his face flushed red, he is being held in place by supportive partymen.

There is a considerable outrage in certain quarters of Punjab that an "alcoholic" is being projected as CM's face. That too in a state that has already acquired notoriety for rampant drug abuse. Now we all know that an "alcoholic" is a sober version of the cruder "drunkard". But Sardar Bhagwant Mann dismisses all such ungenerous talk and is least bothered about the dubious reputation that precedes him.

The man has made it to the record books by arriving in the parliament drunk. It is a measure of his popularity that he still is a crowd puller with the theatrics that he used so effectively as contestant of a Laughter Show, incidentally hosted by another Sardar, Navjot Singh Sidhu. The comedy forum was fine but in the august House he clearly looked like a square peg in a round hole, if you forgive my penchant for some cheap pun. Bhagwant Singh Mann has earned the sobriquet "Pegwant Singh Mann" not for nothing.

I have no idea what is Mann's preferred brand and whether he goes for the country-made stuff or the imported one, but in 2019, Mann had reportedly promised not to touch alcohol again. Apparently, he reneged on that. Confronted by some snouty journalists about getting back to his drinking habits, Mann had a classic reply that would do any pulp film-maker proud: "At least I don't drink people's blood." Taking his justification forward, he also retorted that "no one is perfect. Look at the Congress CM. He sits with his Pakistani women friends and says cheers.

"You can't, of course, hold it against Mann for his indulgence. That may not have to do anything with his skills as a politician. I know many politicians who enjoy a drink. I particularly recall one 75-year-old politician from Maharashtra (now no more) who could down a full bottle of Scotch and still stand ramrod straight and speak minus the lisp that comes with it. Comparatively, Mann might be still learning to hold his glass.

To be even more fair to Mann, he has a number of cassettes even before the advent of digital and video era, and has hosted several satirical shows. The reason why AAP leadership dithered long before naming him as the CM face was because of its inability to find an alternative. The party, I suspect, was sort of pushed to an expedient corner with Mann winning elections consecutively in 2014 and 2019. Besides, Mann emerged as the majority choice in a phone-in poll conducted by the party.

As an aside it would be pertinent to recall the first two lines of a song tuned a few years back by one of the greatest composers of this century, Himesh Reshammiya. It is for you to decide whether the lines are chivalrous or uncharitable about the Punjabis. The lines say that after sunset, it is risky to toast the Punjabis with a glass in their hand as they tend to veer out of control. The lines run thus:
ओ ना पिलाना पंजाबियो को नाप तोल के
सूर्य अस्त, पंजाबी मस्त.

Mann calls himself a social drinker that many assert gives drinking an elite status. I am hoping that he does become the chief minister without giving up on any of the traits that make him so uncommonly common. It is worth the fun. AAP's pride will be people's envy.

 i