Raju Korti
By all available indications, a
new power axis is quietly taking shape in the East. The just concluded SCO
Summit in Tianjin suggested as much, as India, China and Russia appeared to
move in closer concert at a time when the United States finds its own tariff
regime questioned in its courts and its global influence increasingly challenged.
What emerged was not routine diplomacy but the outline of a counterweight to
Western dominance, with images of bonhomie among Xi Jinping, Narendra Modi and
Vladimir Putin carrying echoes of a world order in transition.
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Modi, Putin & Xi |
Xi Jinping in his address targeted what he called bullying behaviour in the world order, a clear reference to Washington. He called for fairness, justice and an end to Cold War mentalities. By unveiling ambitions for a new security architecture, Xi positioned the SCO not merely as a regional bloc but as a counterweight to Western frameworks like NATO. Putin, whose ties with both Beijing and New Delhi remain critical, lent gravitas to the proceedings. And Modi, by his measured articulation of trust, dignity and sensitivity in relations with both Russia and China, ensured India did not appear a reluctant participant but an equal partner in this evolving geometry.
India’s presence at the SCO was not without context. Its ties with the United States have entered turbulent waters after Washington imposed steep tariffs on Indian exports and targeted its oil trade with Russia. Trump’s repeated attempts at taking credit for brokering India Pakistan peace only aggravated New Delhi’s perception of American condescension. When Washington demanded alignment with its energy policies, India chose instead to stand its ground. It is in this backdrop that the optics of Modi walking shoulder to shoulder with Putin and Xi acquired deeper significance.
For India, the SCO summit was also an opportunity to recalibrate ties with China after the bitterness of Galwan. Modi’s first visit to China in seven years saw a significant bilateral with Xi, where both leaders spoke of moving ahead on the basis of mutual trust and respect. This was not an easy conversation, but it showed intent to move beyond confrontation. The irony is not lost that while Washington’s pressures have pushed India closer to Moscow and Beijing, India has simultaneously retained its sovereign agency by not conceding to either side.
The SCO itself is not a perfect bloc. It carries the burden of internal contradictions, not least the presence of Pakistan, which in 2020 had provoked India by displaying an offensive map during a virtual meeting. That led to Ajit Doval’s walkout, a reminder that India is prepared to draw red lines even within multilateral frameworks. Pakistan again found itself marginalised in Tianjin, with its Prime Minister left on the fringes while the real centre of gravity rested with Modi, Xi and Putin.
Beyond theatrics, the summit revealed three layers of importance. One, the consolidation of an Eastern narrative challenging the West’s monopoly over security and trade frameworks. Two, the emergence of SCO as a parallel platform to BRICS in articulating the concerns of a multipolar world. And three, the subtle but unmistakable hint that India is no longer willing to play second fiddle to any bloc, East or West.
As I see it, India did its part well at Tianjin. It held its own in the presence of two giants, strengthened old bonds with Russia, reopened doors with China, and projected itself as a sovereign actor unwilling to be bullied into choices. The SCO Summit may not have redrawn the world map overnight, but it set into motion a conversation about power, parity and partnership. And that conversation is only just beginning.
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