Friday, July 5, 2024

RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat: Tumhine dard diya hai tumhi dawa dena...

Raju Korti
The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), widely and rightly regarded as the parent body of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), is believed to have finally shed its superficial skin of being patently apolitical. From the days of its founder Dr Keshav Baliram Hedgewar  to its present-day chief Mohan Bhagwat, the change, though subtle, has also been remarkable with Balasaheb Deoras (Sarsanghchalak between June 1973 and March 1994, as the turning point according to my estimate.

Mohan Bhagwat, Wikipedia grab
The world's largest voluntary organisation, billed along with the BJP as "brotherhood in saffron", has been more than subtle in the criticism of the BJP after the 2024 elections, although the relations between the two have been marked with unease at times. The RSS steadfastly maintains that it is apolitical but remember, the dual membership issue that sunk the Janata Party government post the Emergency in 1977. The controversy cleverly fuelled by Indira Gandhi (then in opposition), was latched onto by the likes of Madhu Limaye and Charan Singh's stooge Raj Narain, but since then, slowly, the RSS which had been shunning the limelight, changed its course under the stewardship of Balasaheb Deoras and sought to expand its presence through the (then) Jan Sangh. But it was handicapped by its pariah status after Gandhi's assassination. 

It took less than three years for the euphoria generated by the Indira's defeat in the 1977 general elections to give way to power-hungry politicians, personal ambitions punctuated by irreconcilable ideological contradictions.  

Its political arm, the Jan Sangh began to look for ways to gain greater political legitimacy and in Jayprakash Narayan, the Socialist veteran, it found an opportunity. JP was able to overcome his initial reservations and supported the 1974 students agitation in Bihar spearheaded by the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (the students' wing of the BJP). JP was then no stranger to working with the RSS having partnered with its senior ideologue Nanaji Deshmukh during Vinoba Bhave's Bhoodan movement.

Much water has flown under the bridge since then but the RSS under Deoras, shed its earlier apolitical status, and I clearly recall he made an out-and-out political speech at the annual Dussehra rally in Nagpur -- the first clear indication that it asserted its status as the parent body of the BJP.  Over the years, from the days of more hawkish Advani to the moderate Vajpayee, RSS has been critical of the BJP's dominance, especially in the post-Modi era. Murmurs have grown into more open resentment and the RSS' hands-off approach has been conspicuous in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections with Uttar Pradesh as its epicenter. The BJP's dismal showing, going by its earlier dominance, has broken the wheel of tandem rolling for decades albeit with occasional creaks.

Mohan Bhagwat has been more than vocal, making caustic remarks about political parties, his remarks coming at a time when it is being intensely speculated whether the RSS had taken a hands-off approach and not supported the BJP whole-heartedly during the recent elections. Perhaps the most significant and pointed remark that he made was: "A true sevak maintains dignity. He follows the decorum while working. He does not have the arrogance to say 'I did this work.'. It was understood that this jibe was aimed at Modi, who the RSS feels, is becoming bigger for his boots. In his speeches, Modi has often referring to himself as "Pradhan Sevak".

Bhagwat's remarks, equivocal as always, once again brings to the fore the influence Sangh wields over BJP. Although to me, there is nothing new in this discussion, the RSS-BJP ecosystem has taken a beating, given that his comments came after BJP fell way short of its "ab ki baar 400 paar" estimate and the subsequent inability of Modi to take major decisions taking a hit. true to his character, Modi, has been non-chalant and has still managed to have an edge in a coalition that leans on a traditional turncoat like Nitish Kumar. For the RSS, it is not about Modi holding sway in the wake of the electoral setback but the man's unchallenged paramountcy and the scales tipping from Nagpur to Ahmedabad. Modi has shown penchant to give a short shrift to the RSS while he took all those major decisions since 2019.

Modi's growing aura, especially his image as one-man-army, seems to have upset the RSS compass. The RSS leaders are peeved that BJP was complacent during the elections. The results vindicated their view as they came as a "reality check" when the one-man-army's juggernaut was challenged by the riff raff opposition parties. There has also been a growing resentment sense within the RSS that the BJP had been inducting turncoats from the Opposition into the BJP, diluting its core ideology. The distance between the two widened with probably the least liasioning seen this time. 

In the midst of this unease between the two, it is not altogether surprising that a large section of common sympathisers are concerned that Bhagwat chose to make some "distressing statements" . Their concern is at the tone and tenor of his remarks and how this posturing could be detrimental to the country's progress. They surmise that RSS chiefs are not known to make loose comments and therefore cannot be taken lightly. Modi himself has risen through RSS cadres but his rise in political stature and giving RSS a short shrift, has stuck out like a sore thumb.

Bhagwat's statement that Opposition parties are 'pratipaksh', not 'virodhi' (opponents and their view should be considered favourably) is being viewed as rather unorthodox, and by default, perceived more as a hand of friendship extended towards Congress, the Left, the TMC (RSS' new-found ally), the SP, the RJD who have often lampooned the RSS and BJP at every opportunity. Given this backdrop, Bhagwat's apparent amicability towards the same parties that called Modi and Savarkar worse epithets in open fora, has been befuddling to say the least. It stands in stark contrast to his belief in governance based on consensus -- a tradition followed by former PMs Indira, Rajiv and non-prime ministerial leader Rahul Gandhi more in breach than practice with the latter tearing up an ordinance that a Prime Minister from his own party had got promulgated. 

There should be no prizes for guessing that Bhagwat's indignation stems from outgoing BJP president J P Nadda who inelegantly cocked a snook at the RSS and its sidelining in ticket distribution. While as one who heads the BJP's parent body and a father figure, Bhagwat's feelings can be understood. it still is unbecoming of someone making remarks out of pique, one of which implied that BJP's language during the election was divisive.

In my close observation of the mindsets unveiling on the social media, I have seen concerted and orchestrated campaigns by nationalists and right-wingers in condemning Modi. From questioning his image as Hindutva icon to questioning his credentials as PM, his education and even his caste, these on-and-off posts have been well-pitched and well-placed to whip up anti-Modi sentiment. Ratan Sharda's article followed by his interview on a national channel buttresses that point.   

As my close colleague and friend Seema Kamdar, a veteran journalist points out: "Bhagwat's offensive is counter-productive as well as counter-intuitive. It is self-destructive at best. The RSS is playing a dangerous game. We must condemn all machinations to divide the nationalist vote and thereby divide the country vehemently and unequivocally. There is a lot of talk about how this campaign is connected to Bhagwat's leaning towards Maharashtrians and his fear that the reins were slipping away into the hands of other Indians. If that is the case, more than anyone else, Bhagwat needs to worry about creating divisions in the country's polity."

The agenda to bring Modi down by dividing the nationalist vote is fraught with serious consequences. Whether one likes it or not, there is no other individual, and certainly not in the RSS, who has the charisma and appeal of Modi. Bhagwat needs to make peace with this fact. Leave aside Modi, all of BJP's goodwill generated so far will get consigned to the dustbins of history and hurtle the country in the throes of disarray and uncertainty. That the mask of opposition unity will fall off  in no time in the mad quest for power, is a no-brainer. 

To be fair to Bhagwat, his anger and consternation at Amit Shah and Company admitting tainted politicians or his alleged overuse of the agencies like Enforcement Directorate (ED) might have been been ethically wrong, but instead of checkmating Modi, Shah and Nadda with a public outburst, it would been more in tune with RSS's avowed dignity to work out solutions bilaterally rather than resorting to a posturing that may not be a good augury for the country's stability. I have seen the RSS cadres doing exemplary work without any fuss during major disasters. No harm in pushing Modi back but the means adopted by the RSS chief are not in consonance.

It is quite remarkable that the after lows of Vajpayee-Sudarshan era, the ties between the RSS and BJP had become much more cordial after Bhagwat took over. The two were accommodative of each other's ideas and demands. Not long ago, Modi and Bhagwat were seated next to each other during the Ram Temple inauguration in January last. On the face of it, the RSS influence may have waned a bit in Modi 3.0 but then, four chief ministers appointed recently have strong RSS links. A lot will depend now on whom BJP elects as the new party president. Remember, the first discord came when Nadda replaced Nitin Gadkari as party chief. The downscaling of Gadkari in the course of events that followed has to be also seen from this perspective.       

From all accounts, the RSS and the BJP are joined at the hip. The hip has suffered a dislocation and needs a corrective surgery. Bhagwat should himself be that surgeon.

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