Existential crisis, an eternally tangled knot

Raju Korti
Caught in the throes of existential contemplation, I have been wading through a murky fog of uncertainty in recent years. People call it existential crisis triggered by life's trials and tribulations. I call it so because it is a period of profound doubt and confusion about the meaning, purpose and value of one's life. In my case, it stems from two outcomes of life's trials -- errors and tribulations. Each worse than the other.

Long bouts with philosophical introspection tell me that this is a feeling of alienation -- a feeling of empty distance and non-belonging. This feeling of "otherness", of being like everyone else around, is characterized by anxiety, loneliness, boredom, meaninglessness and absurdity. Most people understand it as the Hamlet's contemplation of "to be or not to be" as life suddenly holds no meaning with the attendant detachment towards very existence. I feel like isolated or am out of place. Not a philosopher by any stretch, I do not now if it is a vibe or a defect. What felt like solitude initially now turns out to be alienation.

Some people tell me this is absolutely normal and that the feeling of detachment is not a disease but actually a blessing in disguise. In my limited wisdom, I am not qualified to comment or decide about that in my perpetual confusion. What I know for sure is I do not feel connected with most of the people I meet in life. It is a trait that is commonly misunderstood as ego or self-image. In all probability, my disconnection results from the dissatisfaction with what my life is. But for the life of me, I can't figure out how it ought to be, either!

A psychologist has given an interesting perspective. He believes this is my inner guidance leading me to what my body and soul needs. Getting away from people sometimes gives you time and space to realign yourself. I do not know how that can happen but am inclined to think that my sense of detachment has arisen from two factors. When you don't feel you are being heard or matter, or have an experience that prevents you from involving yourself. I am amazed by the inherent contrast that existentialism owes its very existence to trials, errors and tribulations. "Who am I" or "What am I" are questions that render everything else in life almost meaningless.

I do not know if I am one of those who find themselves drifting towards a state of detachment and meaninglessness. Trials and tribulations spare no one. I have had personal struggles, professional setbacks and a constant flow of unforeseen obstacles. I would be lying if I said these all tested my resilience or pushed my boundaries. I preferred to run away from them, the adversities never bringing in their wake even an iota of empathy. 

The more I introspect on them, the deeper I am mired by existential questions. I doubt anyone, deeply submerged in today's material, worldly and consumerist mindset, would have the time and inclination to be bothered but life is a great leveller. I am sure one day, they would be as clueless, feel as meaningless and live in a vacuum as I do now. 

The only bottom line to life is it has to go on. For, life itself is detached. Once you make peace with the fact that it is just a mosaic of moments where you dance between grasping the present and letting go of the past, you either become a philosopher or a practical consumerist. I am neither, and hence the existential question of "to be or not to be"!

A knock-out punch for the Trophy Champions

Raju Korti
Pakistan's desperation at India not keen to play the Champions Trophy there is of its own making. While there is no official word that India team will not travel to Pakistan, it is a foregone conclusion. It is not even a sensitive and controversial topic anymore.

Pakistan finds itself in a bind not just because of the strained political relations and security concerns India voices during every cricketing event that the former wants to host. Its angst is India's refusal to play in Pakistan will could provoke Sri Lanka and Bangladesh to follow suit on similar concerns. Perhaps the biggest slap on its face is even a country once an ally and now in constant ferment like Afghanistan is poking ridicule at its ability to provide security to visiting players.

The Pakistan Cricket Board (PCB), forever mired in administrative hassles with self-styled upstarts coming and going out of its ruling dispensation, cannot do anything to turn things around. To make matters worse, for the PCB will continue to stare at its scarcely ringing cash registers, and even the International Cricket Council (ICC), can do precious little to thwart BCCI's money clout. Revenues will take a severe hit and the entire purpose of hosting the trophy will stand defeated from their point of view.

The Pakistan Cricket Board just does not seem to shed this mindset of mixing sport with politics and that a tit-for-tat policy will not work at all. If India has also been seen to be mixing sport with politics, it is of reaction and not action. What the Pakistan Cricket Board must do, if it works at all, is to lobby and convince other cricketing boards to be on their side and hope India does not ride rough shod with the ICC just watching the tamasha. To rub salt on its wound, the present BCCI chief Jay Shah might take over the ICC reins. It cooks Pakistan's goose completely.

Pakistan, one senses, is itching to beat India in Pakistan and bask in a limelight that has deprived it for long. In venues elsewhere across the world, it has had the mortification of losing all the matches, and in their misplaced pride, a victory on its own soil could salvage some of that pride. To its horror, even that looks impossible given their team's overhyped prowess belied by lacklustre performances. The reasons are far too many and well known to deserve mention. 

Pakistan faces security challenges mostly from home-grown terrorism and instability which they habitually blame it on non-state actors. The non-state actors merge seamlessly into state's own at their convenience. While sporting events, like cricket, tend to become political symbols or tools in diplomatic maneuevring. There is no cricket between India and Pakistan. It is just a war fought on another turf with a façade of apparent bonhomie.

For a country perennially in throes of political and economic turmoil, Pakistan seems oblivious to the logistical challenges like travel accommodation and security arrangements. These become significantly grave that at times, threats have emanated from time to time about killing Indian cricketers. The PCB has itself been embroiled in one bitter controversy over the other. It must first set its own house in order before it equips to handle the bigger problem it seeks to address.

Voices from across the border have been their usual bluster and bravado. The championship will go on even if Indian team doesn't go to Pakistan. But who will watch and from where will the revenue come? Moves are already afoot that the BCCI is requesting the ICC to move its India matches to Sri Lanka or Dubai. India has not played a bilateral series with Pakistan since 2008 and by no stretch it looks possible now with the rise in recent terror activities in Kashmir. Although the BCCI, itself an autonomous body, has put the ball in Central Government's court, there is no way the latter will take the risk. On its part, the ICC stands to incur huge loss in terms of broadcast media rights and brand revenue. 

If South Africa could be kept out of international cricket for an internal matter like apartheid, then it should be clear as day. Terrorism is a global issue and Pakistan needs to be made a spectator until this rot stops. Moreover, Pakistan has only recently received an International Monetary Fund bailout and its ability as hosts suspect. All the talk about Indian cricketers being loved and will be warmly welcomed is a baloney that deceives none including Pakistan itself.

Where is the question of burying the hatchet when the hatchet is doing all the talking?

Of Modi's spirituality and the intrigue of Quantum Physics!

Raju Korti
For all the vilification he endures in different fora all the time, one thing that always stands out for me about Prime Minister Narendra Modi is his uncanny ability to get people from other walks into his fold that is often dubbed as an exercise in PR. Those with jaundiced political eye might believe this to be a political blog, simply because it involves a political leader, but far from it. The point I am trying to labour over here is the connect between Spirituality and Quantum Physics. 

Is consciousness the bottom line?

In his visit to Vienna, Austria, Modi found it opportune to meet, among other people, Nobel Laureate Austrian physicist Anton Zeilinger. After the two met, Zeilinger said: "We had a very pleasant discussion. We discussed about spiritual things, we talked about possibilities of quantum information, quantum technology, and about the basic fundamental ideas of Quantum Physics." For the record, my understanding about Quantum Physics is marginally better than Spirituality, which is why the interaction drew my attention. 

I do not know how much can Modi hold forth on something like Quantum Physics, but I have little doubts about the man's penchant to veer Zeilinger around his viewpoint. He found Modi to be a deeply spiritual person and wished leaders across the world should imbibe that feature that he brings to his demeanour and discussions. "I think this is a feature which more leaders in the world should have today...The point is that you support the gifted young people to follow their own ideas and from them the really new ideas come. That is something which can happen in every country, certainly in India, the Austrian physicist said. Zeilinger's whose work in Quantum Physics is considered path-breaking, made no secret of his admiration for India's efforts in the National Quantum Mission and how the ecosystem for technology and innovation is being gainfully nurtured.

I believe that the connect between Spirituality and Quantum Physics has intrigued thinkers from both realms for decades, offering a fascinating intersection where science and metaphysics meet. Though there are some who abstain studiously from being too vocal about it, Quantum Physics, with its Principle of Uncertainty, non-locality, and the role of the observer, challenges traditional notions of reality and suggests a universe that is more fluid and interconnected than previously thought.

Spirituality across various traditions and beliefs, often posits a fundamental unity underlying existence, where consciousness plays a central role in shaping reality. This parallels with Quantum Physics' assertion that observation influences the outcome of quantum events, suggesting a deeper link between consciousness and the physical world. Concepts such as the interconnectedness of all things, as found in spiritual teachings, find resonance in quantum entanglement, where particles are believed to instantaneously influence each other regardless of distance.  

Skepticism and apprehensions obtain because these connections remain largely speculative and philosophical. However, they provide a fertile ground for exploring the nature of reality beyond the confines of traditional scientific and spiritual boundaries, inviting a deeper inquiry into the mysteries that underpin this universe.  

The National Quantum Mission in India was launched with the ambitious goal of advancing quantum science and technology to propel the country into a leadership position in this cutting-edge field. The mission has made significant strides in fostering research collaborations through state-of-the-art infrastructure and skilled workforce. It has catalyzed research projects across domains, including quantum computing, quantum communication, and quantum materials. While challenges remain, the National Quantum Mission can set the stage for future advancements in pivotal areas of science and technology.

As Modi leads India, his vision seems to intertwine threads of  tradition and innovation, creating a tapestry where Spirituality and Quantum Physics can meet in a dance of progress and possibility. The first step should be begin with breaking the Mann Ki Baat mode to to Walk the Talk one. Quantum Physics might delve into the bizarre and counterintuitive world where particles can exist in multiple states simultaneously but Spirituality provides -- or is supposed to provide -- the anchor for inner stability amidst life's turbulence.

Parallel lines have so much in common.  It is a shame they will never meet unless you bend the rules a bit. The same might go for Spirituality and Quantum Physics. Spirituality and science can converge when both seek to understand the mysteries of existence through different yet complementary lenses. Modi and Zeilinger can do their bidding, but to me, intrigue carries bigger charm than the finding, if any. 

RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat: Tumhine dard diya hai tumhi dawa dena...

Raju Korti
The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), widely and rightly regarded as the parent body of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), is believed to have finally shed its superficial skin of being patently apolitical. From the days of its founder Dr Keshav Baliram Hedgewar  to its present-day chief Mohan Bhagwat, the change, though subtle, has also been remarkable with Balasaheb Deoras (Sarsanghchalak between June 1973 and March 1994, as the turning point according to my estimate.

Mohan Bhagwat, Wikipedia grab

The world's largest voluntary organisation, billed along with the BJP as "brotherhood in saffron", has been more than subtle in the criticism of the BJP after the 2024 elections, although the relations between the two have been marked with unease at times. The RSS steadfastly maintains that it is apolitical but remember, the dual membership issue that sunk the Janata Party government post the Emergency in 1977. The controversy cleverly fuelled by Indira Gandhi (then in opposition), was latched onto by the likes of Madhu Limaye and Charan Singh's stooge Raj Narain, but since then, slowly, the RSS which had been shunning the limelight, changed its course under the stewardship of Balasaheb Deoras and sought to expand its presence through the (then) Jan Sangh. But it was handicapped by its pariah status after Gandhi's assassination. 

It took less than three years for the euphoria generated by the Indira's defeat in the 1977 general elections to give way to power-hungry politicians, personal ambitions punctuated by irreconcilable ideological contradictions.  

Its political arm, the Jan Sangh began to look for ways to gain greater political legitimacy and in Jayprakash Narayan, the Socialist veteran, it found an opportunity. JP was able to overcome his initial reservations and supported the 1974 students agitation in Bihar spearheaded by the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (the students' wing of the BJP). JP was then no stranger to working with the RSS having partnered with its senior ideologue Nanaji Deshmukh during Vinoba Bhave's Bhoodan movement.

Much water has flown under the bridge since then but the RSS under Deoras, shed its earlier apolitical status, and I clearly recall he made an out-and-out political speech at the annual Dussehra rally in Nagpur -- the first clear indication that it asserted its status as the parent body of the BJP.  Over the years, from the days of more hawkish Advani to the moderate Vajpayee, RSS has been critical of the BJP's dominance, especially in the post-Modi era. Murmurs have grown into more open resentment and the RSS' hands-off approach has been conspicuous in the 2024 Lok Sabha elections with Uttar Pradesh as its epicenter. The BJP's dismal showing, going by its earlier dominance, has broken the wheel of tandem rolling for decades albeit with occasional creaks.

Mohan Bhagwat has been more than vocal, making caustic remarks about political parties, his remarks coming at a time when it is being intensely speculated whether the RSS had taken a hands-off approach and not supported the BJP whole-heartedly during the recent elections. Perhaps the most significant and pointed remark that he made was: "A true sevak maintains dignity. He follows the decorum while working. He does not have the arrogance to say 'I did this work.'. It was understood that this jibe was aimed at Modi, who the RSS feels, is becoming bigger for his boots. In his speeches, Modi has often referring to himself as "Pradhan Sevak".

Bhagwat's remarks, equivocal as always, once again brings to the fore the influence Sangh wields over BJP. Although to me, there is nothing new in this discussion, the RSS-BJP ecosystem has taken a beating, given that his comments came after BJP fell way short of its "ab ki baar 400 paar" estimate and the subsequent inability of Modi to take major decisions taking a hit. true to his character, Modi, has been non-chalant and has still managed to have an edge in a coalition that leans on a traditional turncoat like Nitish Kumar. For the RSS, it is not about Modi holding sway in the wake of the electoral setback but the man's unchallenged paramountcy and the scales tipping from Nagpur to Ahmedabad. Modi has shown penchant to give a short shrift to the RSS while he took all those major decisions since 2019.

Modi's growing aura, especially his image as one-man-army, seems to have upset the RSS compass. The RSS leaders are peeved that BJP was complacent during the elections. The results vindicated their view as they came as a "reality check" when the one-man-army's juggernaut was challenged by the riff raff opposition parties. There has also been a growing resentment sense within the RSS that the BJP had been inducting turncoats from the Opposition into the BJP, diluting its core ideology. The distance between the two widened with probably the least liasioning seen this time. 

In the midst of this unease between the two, it is not altogether surprising that a large section of common sympathisers are concerned that Bhagwat chose to make some "distressing statements" . Their concern is at the tone and tenor of his remarks and how this posturing could be detrimental to the country's progress. They surmise that RSS chiefs are not known to make loose comments and therefore cannot be taken lightly. Modi himself has risen through RSS cadres but his rise in political stature and giving RSS a short shrift, has stuck out like a sore thumb.

Bhagwat's statement that Opposition parties are 'pratipaksh', not 'virodhi' (opponents and their view should be considered favourably) is being viewed as rather unorthodox, and by default, perceived more as a hand of friendship extended towards Congress, the Left, the TMC (RSS' new-found ally), the SP, the RJD who have often lampooned the RSS and BJP at every opportunity. Given this backdrop, Bhagwat's apparent amicability towards the same parties that called Modi and Savarkar worse epithets in open fora, has been befuddling to say the least. It stands in stark contrast to his belief in governance based on consensus -- a tradition followed by former PMs Indira, Rajiv and non-prime ministerial leader Rahul Gandhi more in breach than practice with the latter tearing up an ordinance that a Prime Minister from his own party had got promulgated. 

There should be no prizes for guessing that Bhagwat's indignation stems from outgoing BJP president J P Nadda who inelegantly cocked a snook at the RSS and its sidelining in ticket distribution. While as one who heads the BJP's parent body and a father figure, Bhagwat's feelings can be understood. it still is unbecoming of someone making remarks out of pique, one of which implied that BJP's language during the election was divisive.

In my close observation of the mindsets unveiling on the social media, I have seen concerted and orchestrated campaigns by nationalists and right-wingers in condemning Modi. From questioning his image as Hindutva icon to questioning his credentials as PM, his education and even his caste, these on-and-off posts have been well-pitched and well-placed to whip up anti-Modi sentiment. Ratan Sharda's article followed by his interview on a national channel buttresses that point.   

As my close colleague and friend Seema Kamdar, a veteran journalist points out: "Bhagwat's offensive is counter-productive as well as counter-intuitive. It is self-destructive at best. The RSS is playing a dangerous game. We must condemn all machinations to divide the nationalist vote and thereby divide the country vehemently and unequivocally. There is a lot of talk about how this campaign is connected to Bhagwat's leaning towards Maharashtrians and his fear that the reins were slipping away into the hands of other Indians. If that is the case, more than anyone else, Bhagwat needs to worry about creating divisions in the country's polity."

The agenda to bring Modi down by dividing the nationalist vote is fraught with serious consequences. Whether one likes it or not, there is no other individual, and certainly not in the RSS, who has the charisma and appeal of Modi. Bhagwat needs to make peace with this fact. Leave aside Modi, all of BJP's goodwill generated so far will get consigned to the dustbins of history and hurtle the country in the throes of disarray and uncertainty. That the mask of opposition unity will fall off  in no time in the mad quest for power, is a no-brainer. 

To be fair to Bhagwat, his anger and consternation at Amit Shah and Company admitting tainted politicians or his alleged overuse of the agencies like Enforcement Directorate (ED) might have been been ethically wrong, but instead of checkmating Modi, Shah and Nadda with a public outburst, it would been more in tune with RSS's avowed dignity to work out solutions bilaterally rather than resorting to a posturing that may not be a good augury for the country's stability. I have seen the RSS cadres doing exemplary work without any fuss during major disasters. No harm in pushing Modi back but the means adopted by the RSS chief are not in consonance.

It is quite remarkable that the after lows of Vajpayee-Sudarshan era, the ties between the RSS and BJP had become much more cordial after Bhagwat took over. The two were accommodative of each other's ideas and demands. Not long ago, Modi and Bhagwat were seated next to each other during the Ram Temple inauguration in January last. On the face of it, the RSS influence may have waned a bit in Modi 3.0 but then, four chief ministers appointed recently have strong RSS links. A lot will depend now on whom BJP elects as the new party president. Remember, the first discord came when Nadda replaced Nitin Gadkari as party chief. The downscaling of Gadkari in the course of events that followed has to be also seen from this perspective.       

From all accounts, the RSS and the BJP are joined at the hip. The hip has suffered a dislocation and needs a corrective surgery. Bhagwat should himself be that surgeon.